ECO and Georgia - between neutrality and strategic interest

The 17th Summit of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) took place in Khankendi on 4 July. The President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, met the heads of state and government and the heads of the delegations participating in the summit. President Aliyev welcomed the summit participants to Karabakh, noting the special symbolism of holding the summit in Khankendi, a territory that has been liberated from occupation. He emphasised that Azerbaijan was hosting the ECO summit for the third time. The participants were heads of state and government: President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan (who chaired the meeting), President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey, President Masoud Pezeshkian of Iran, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov of Kazakhstan, President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan, President Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan, , President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Prime Minister of Pakistan Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif, and Deputy Prime Minister of Afghanistan Abdul Ghani Baradar. Also present were the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, Rashid Meredov, and the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif. Also present was the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Ersin Tatar, who was attending as an observer. Special guests and organisations in attendance included the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the Organisation of Turkic States, and representatives from Nigeria and the UAE, as well as the UN Under-Secretary-General, the Secretary-General of D8, CICA, UNESCAP, TRACECA and ITF. Specialised agencies and bodies, such as the Parliamentary Assembly of the ECO (PAECO), the ECO Trade and Development Bank, the Cultural Institute, the Science Foundation, the Educational Institute and the Seed Association, also took part. The summit was accompanied by ECO Week, which included business, youth and women's forums in Aghdam, Lachin and Fuzuli. A total of 10 ECO member countries (Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan) presented their delegations.
In the aftermath of the summit, a series of significant interstate documents were formally adopted. Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan have signed 12 key agreements. The documentation in question establishes a series of pragmatic mechanisms for the sequential implementation of the alliance treaty itself, encompassing the political, economic and trade domains. The Summit saw deliberations on the ECO 2035 strategy, with the adoption of a strategic partnership document set to extend until 2035. The document placed particular emphasis on sustainable development, climate resilience, and the involvement of the private sector, youth, and women in the work of the ECO. This was undertaken within the framework of the inaugural ECO Week. Furthermore, the establishment of a research centre and a centre for "clean energy" of the ECO in Azerbaijan was endorsed. In 2026, Shusha was designated the ECO's tourist capital.
A series of bilateral diplomatic meetings were convened during the course of the Summit. In the course of their deliberations, the two heads of state, Presidents Ilham Aliyev and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, addressed the subjects of bilateral cooperation and regional issues. In the course of his discussions with Emomali Rahmon, the President of Tajikistan, President Ilham Aliyev explored avenues for the enhancement of political, economic and cultural-humanitarian cooperation between the two nations. In the course of his meeting with the Pakistani Prime Minister, Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif, President Ilham Aliyev addressed the subjects of trade relations and transport routes. The summit served to affirm the ECO's dedication to multilateral collaboration on the establishment of novel mechanisms for sustainable development, with particular emphasis placed on the promotion of trade and the reduction of barriers, the promotion of eco-investment, the initiation of climate projects, and the conceptualisation of "green corridors". It was imperative to reach a consensus on a series of initiatives pertaining to transport corridors, encompassing both the south-north and east-west directions.

Georgia does not participate in the Economic Cooperation Organization summits. Why is Georgia not a member of the ECO? What losses does it incur from non-participation, if any?
Georgia has not participated in the summits of the "Economic Cooperation Organization" (ECO), including the 17th summit in Khankendi, even as an observer. Georgia has never been a member of the ECO and has not officially applied for membership.
The ECO was established in 1985 as a regional body comprising Iran, Pakistan and Turkey. Following the dissolution of the USSR, the following countries joined it: Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Afghanistan. It has been posited by numerous experts from Georgia that the country's decision to pursue a pro-Western trajectory is indicative of its limited interest in participating in the ECO. Since the early 2000s, Georgia has been focused on Euro-Atlantic integration: The subject of this discourse is the association of the nation in question with the European Union, in addition to its partnership with NATO and the Eastern Partnership. Conversely, the ECO was regarded in Georgia as an organisation predominantly influenced by Turkey, Iran, Central Asian countries and, to a certain extent, Pakistan, i.e. regions characterised by a divergent strategic balance. Georgia maintained close ties with the West and often avoided formats involving countries from the Middle East, Central Asia, countries under sanctions and considered a problematic partner by the EU and the United States. However, Georgia is interested in cooperation with Azerbaijan, Turkey and Central Asian countries, and it does so through bilateral mechanisms or more neutral platforms, such as TRACECA, GUAM, Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), and the Middle Corridor (Trans-Caspian).
However, due to the geopolitical changes that have occurred in the region, and the threat of sanctions against Georgia from Western countries, as well as the active correlation of its geopolitical agenda (for example, the strategic expanded partnership with China), Georgia will most likely be interested in participating in the ECO in the near future. In such a geopolitical context, it is anticipated that Georgia may pursue accession or observe the proceedings, particularly if transport and energy initiatives involving Central Asia and Turkey are initiated. The ECO is poised to assume a more prominent role in the development of the Middle Corridor. It is evident that the coordination of regional initiatives will necessitate the utilisation of multilateral formats.
It is imperative to ascertain the manner in which Georgia can enhance its affiliation with the ECO, and to what extent this would influence its relations with the West and its neighbours. Until recently, Georgia, demonstrating a preference for more neutral or pro-Western formats, took into account a number of geopolitical nuances, especially in light of Georgia's desire to maintain good relations with the West, and did not participate in alliances where Western-sanctioned countries are present. However, following the establishment of a strategic partnership with China, Georgia's decision not to align closer with the ECO, where Western-sanctioned nations are present, is not attributable to this partnership, but rather to the broader context. This is further compounded by the fact that Georgia's closest strategic partners and allies, Azerbaijan and Turkey, are members and active participants of the ECO.
What Georgia loses from not participating in the ECO
The "Economic Cooperation Organization" constitutes a regional association encompassing Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, etc.), Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Azerbaijan. It is evident that, despite the absence of the EU or the SCO, significant processes are being established within the organisation, particularly in the domains of logistics, energy, digitalisation and agriculture. It is important to acknowledge that Georgia's potential in the logistics sector may be hindered by its current level of engagement. Georgia is a pivotal nation in the context of the Middle Corridor; however, it does not engage in the coordination of ECO routes, wherein infrastructure projects traversing the Caspian region and extending further towards Asia are deliberated. Indeed, Georgia is losing a certain percentage of potential investments from Central Asia and Turkey. The following countries – Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan – are engaged in discussions concerning joint investments in the ECO, including processing, logistics and green energy. Georgia, conversely, is not involved in these processes. The ECO has developed food security strategies, agricultural projects and the establishment of a unified agricultural market and product exchange. Georgia has the potential to engage in the deliberations and formulation of these strategies and projects, including export programmes, in collaboration with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Turkey. The absence of even observer status renders Georgia invisible in the investment and logistics processes of this structure, which limits its influence on regional initiatives, especially in the South Caucasus. The ECO forms projects on green energy and gas transportation routes, with Georgia potentially integrating into initiatives through Azerbaijan. At this juncture, Georgia's involvement as an observer might be regarded as the optimal and most diplomatically flexible solution. The ECO has mechanisms for observer status. For instance, the United Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation have established specific formats for their presence. Georgia has already accumulated experience in observing or participating in such formats (for example, the SCO, BSEC, OSCE, TRACECA) without joining completely, but simply sending delegations. From an observational standpoint, this development can be regarded as a politically neutral yet geostrategically pivotal one for Georgia. The country's position as a logistical and transit bridge between the European Union and Asia renders it a significant player in the global geopolitical landscape. It is imperative for Georgia to have the opportunity to influence, since even an observer can speak out, propose initiatives, and form contacts. Georgia has the capacity to initiate a dialogue with Turkey, Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan through diplomatic channels with a view to discussing the possibility of obtaining observer status in the ECO and joining the ECO sectoral programmes in tourism, transport, energy and agricultural innovation. The initial step could be, for instance, the organisation of a regional conference in Tbilisi on the alignment of ECO strategies with EU and Middle Corridor initiatives, as a form of "soft participation."
In the contemporary geopolitical landscape, it is imperative to mitigate Georgia's potential losses arising from its non-participation in the ECO. Such losses encompass the diminution of influence on investment opportunities, access to corridor coordination, particularly within the context of the Middle Corridor development, and interaction with Central Asia.
Elbrus Mamedov